AAN DIE EINDE VAN HIERDIE ARTIKEL VERSKYN SKAKELS NA ANDER ARTIKELS DEUR DIESELFDE OUTEUR
Die volgende artikel is 'n ongepubliseerde referaat wat in 2000 in Seattle by 'n kongres van die International Society of Political Psychology gelewer is:
Die volgende artikel is 'n ongepubliseerde referaat wat in 2000 in Seattle by 'n kongres van die International Society of Political Psychology gelewer is:
COGNITION AND PERCEPTION:
HOW LANGUAGE REVEALS THE NEW SOUTH AFRICA
Willem J. Botha
[Emeritusprofessor (taalkunde: kognitiewe taalkunde), RAU/UJ]
1.1. Cognition and perception
Information from the environment is gathered by the sense organs. This process is usually referred to as sensation. Apart from the traditional five senses – hearing, seeing, smelling, tasting, and touching – two additional senses are currently distinguished, called proprioceptive senses, referring to the experience of body position and body movement. The first one of these senses, kinesthesia, registers information about the movement and position of the limbs and other parts of the body relative to each other, while the vestibular sense records information on the position of the body in space in relation to gravity and movement (see Westen, 1996:153). These two senses relate to a basic linguistic concept, deixis: the linguistic expression of the speaker’s coordinates of existence; that is identity, space and time. And deixis very closely links with preconceptual image schemas, which represent one of the categories of basic mental phenomena founded on linguistic evidence and which have general psychological importance; the others being: force dynamics; subjective versus objective construal; correspondence across cognitive domains or mental spaces; and cognitive reference point (see Langacker, 1993:1).
This paper largely deals with the concept of Afrikanerdom, that is “Afrikaner nationalism based on pride in the Afrikaans language and culture, conservative Calvinism, and a sense of heritage as pioneers”, according to CED. It will be argued that previously the experience of Afrikanerdom almost functioned on a preconceptual level (a basic mental phenomenon), on account of the fact that both the self-image of the Afrikaner and the perception of the prototypical Afrikaner (see section 2.1) lasted for such a long time – more than a generation.
Closely related to the process of sensation is the process of perception, an organizing process in which the brain organizes and interprets different sensations. And this process links with cognition in general, and the linguistic expression of different conceptual blending processes in particular. These conceptual blending processes result in the linguistic expression of cognitive – but also cultural, moral and evaluating experiences. Language usage as such uncovers these experiences, like the Afrikaans language did in the previous South Africa (see Dirven, 1994) – but also in the present transforming South Africa, as will be pointed out regarding the recategorization of the Afrikaner.
1.2. South Africa in transition
In 1994 the ideology of apartheid – and the previous South Africa – came to an end. This ideology had been an official policy of racial segregation, instigated and practiced for forty-six years by the former National Party. A new Constitution came into practice – a constitution based on accepted democratic values. But a constitution as such is an exponent of a sociopolitical ideology, “(a) set of doctrines or beliefs that form the basis of a political, economic, or other system,” as defined by the AHD. A constitution mostly reflects an underlying “ideology”, … “a body of ideas reflecting the social needs and aspirations of an individual, a group, a class, or a culture”, according to the AHD. And an ideology, as a conceptual system, – according to Lakoff (to be published) – includes a moral system, and as such implies both conscious and unconscious/hidden parts. And a moral system, in my view, closely links with (a) an emotional system, as will be pointed out in section 2.3.2; (b) an image-schematic force, as seen from a cognitive point of view and referred to in section 1.1; (c) standards of conduct that are accepted as right or correct at a certain time and a certain place, therefore linking it with deixis as such.
Underlying the new South African Constitution exists an ideology founded on the need to build a sole nation, to invalidate former strict boundaries between people; to create a new nation with fuzzy boundaries – the “rainbow nation.” Consequently, moral values of the previous system formally came under scrutiny when the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission came into existence. This Commission was established to the promote National Unity and Reconciliation (Act No 34 of 1995). With reference to the Commission, Mr. Dullah Omar, former Minister of Justice said that “… a commission is a necessary exercise to enable South Africans to come to terms with their past on a morally accepted basis and to advance the cause of reconciliation” (Internet: http://www.truth.org.za/). The hearings took place to scrutinise violations against human rights which took place against the background of deep-rooted moral values (thus, image schematic in nature) justifying the ideology of apartheid, instigated by the previous (National Party) government and endorsed by the Church (specifically by the decision-making leaders of the traditional Afrikaans churches). As a result, these well-established moral values, nourished by the before-mentioned institutions, were shattered – to such an extent that the traditional Afrikaans churches lost their status as sole agents of morality for the Afrikaner. Regarding political power, this group was perceived as the dominant category (of people) within the previous South Africa. This perception was based on the fact that the majority of supporters of the previous National Party were mainly Afrikaners.
The “new ideology” founded on the need to build a sole nation embodies a rich fusion of concepts, amongst others, concepts which are typically (in a South Africa in transition) revealed in language expressions like affirmative action, racism, transformation, transition, truth and reconciliation and others – concepts which are conceptually linked to each other, and which are primarily based on moral judgment; and consequently, based on perception and cognition. But these concepts also played an important role in the dispersion of the Afrikaner group, and is playing a role in the regrouping of these (psychologically) scattered people – in the sense that these concepts are implicit in some of the category-distinguishing features (see section 2.3). In addition, pronouns like I, we, you, they (pronouns revealing the perception of certain ideological affiliations and dissociations – see Botha, to be published) are also used frequently within these contexts. Presently language usage in the South Africa conveys these changing perceptions – perceptions based on changing conceptual contents.
2. Changing conditions and changing perceptions
2.1. The prototype Afrikaner
To illustrate the changing conceptual contents revealed by language, one first has to look briefly at some historical facts and events which lead to a conventional perception of a previous South African society based on racism, and closely linked to the perception of the prototypical Afrikaner.
· Two main categories of people existed in the previous South Africa, based on colour: whites and non-whites. Legislation kept these groups in all possible ways apart from each other.
· Since 1948 until 1994 the National Party, instigators of the policy of apartheid, governed the country. Supporters of this party were for the most part Afrikaners (Afrikaans-speaking South Africans). Verhoef (1999:31) points out that political supremacy of the Afrikaner came into existence in 1945 and lasted until 1970 – overlapping with a period in which National Party rule prospered. Consequently, the overemphasized link between apartheid and the Afrikaner (and Afrikaans) could be expected. During these years Afrikaner political power was perceived as the exponent of a collective Afrikaner well-being. Afrikaners were emerging economically and politically from a background of poverty and disruption caused by (a) the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902; (b) their contribution to the First World War; (c) the 1914 Rebellion; (d) the Great Depression of the 1930s; and (e) the crippling drought of 1933, and subsequent urbanization. Giliomee (1999:17-18) mentions that apartheid came into existence in a context of a rapid, and sometimes chaotic and traumatic process of urbanization.
· The Protestant Church, and more specific the three Afrikaans churches in which group the Dutch Reformed Church played a dominant role, endorsed the policy of apartheid on Biblical grounds – thus, the moral judgment of such a policy.
· Behind the scenes a clandestine organization, called the Afrikaner-Broederbond (“Brotherhood”), vigorously supported the shaping of Afrikaner nationalism – and the (prototypical) conceptual content of the word Afrikaner. Afrikaner cultural organizations advanced these ideals to a great extent.
· Two official languages existed for the country, namely Afrikaans and English.
· During a certain timespan Afrikaners were largely spatially confined – within the boundaries of South Africa
The above-mentioned circumstances enhanced a perception of a prototypical Afrikaner as being white, predominantly male, Afrikaans-speaking, religious and a member of one of the traditional Afrikaans churches; conservative, obedient, very disciplined, and loyal to the prescribed moral values of the group. And this prototype not only served as a measure for a “good” Afrikaner – it also functioned as a model for the education of Afrikaners. In his letter (see section 2.3.2) Chris Louw puts into words the “obedient” and “discipline” features, translated as follows: We were taught to be seen and not to be heard, to obey orders without any objection, to show our respect for the elderly.
The changing concept Afrikaner will be analyzed against the background of the previous prototypical perception of this category.
2.2. Delineating the category Afrikaner
Taylor (1995: 65-66) – from a cognitive point of view – considers a prototype as a very important category structuring principle, coexisting with another vital structuring principle (in accordance with Langacker’s  view), namely elaboration of a schema. He quotes Langacker (1987: 371) in this regard:
“A prototype is a typical instance of a category, and other elements are assimilated to the category on the basis of their perceived resemblance to the prototype; there are degrees of membership based on degrees of similarity. A schema, by contrast is an abstract characterization that is fully compatible with all the members of the category it defines (so membership is not a matter of degree); it is an integrated structure that embodies the commonality of its members, which are conceptions of greater specificity and detail that elaborate the schema in contrasting ways.”
In accordance with Langacker’s analysis of prototypes and schemas, we can examine a previous conceptualzation of Afrikaner as follows. The word Afrikaner was associated with specific instances of the group – prominent (political, cultural, religious) leaders who had the following schematic representation in common: white, predominantly male, Afrikaans-speaking, religious and being a member of one of the traditional Afrikaans churches, conservative, obedient, very disciplined, and loyal to the prescribed moral values of the group – as was pointed out above. This representation (AFRIKANERa) functioned as the prototype. On numerous occations extensions of this prototype came into existence when subcategories of the Afrikaner were characterized, like the categorization in the sixties on the basis of verlig (“enlightened”) and verkramp (“narrow-minded”), by Willem de Klerk, the brother of the last white president of South Africa, F.W. de Klerk. A further schema was extracted, namely AFRIKANERb, which then functioned as a prototype for new extensions. In relation to the above-mentioned schematic representation (that of AFRIKANERa), the features conservative and obedient were dominant in the new extension. Further elaborations of the category Afrikaner took place in accordance with the political development of the Afrikaner until 1994, reflecting more and more modifications to most of the prototype-defining features, becoming more and more abstract. Presently the schema acting as prototype (AFRIKANERn) is so fluid that Willem de Klerk (Rapport, 12 March 2000) suggests that it should be phased out at the expense of the concept Afrikaans-speaking community – because it is so polluted with apartheid. Accordingly, Hermann Giliomee (Beeld, 9 May 2000) stresses the fact that Afrikaners are at present scattered over too many spectra to be represented by one group.
In spite of these views an Afrikaner debate is currently taking place, focusing mainly on the collective nature of an Afrikaner group against the background of
· the minority status of this specific group within a country of minorities and a globalizing world;
· the diminishing status of the Afrikaans language within a country with eleven official languages, and a government and business promoting English as the only “official” language – in conflict with the Constitution; and
· disagreement between Afrikaners regarding the category Afrikaner.
2.3. Endeavouring a recategorization of the group Afrikaner
Conditions related to the circumstances referred to in section 2.1. changed dramatically after the political transformation of 1994. New living conditions initiated new perceptions of the past, based on present-day experiences and perceptions of transformation, affirmative action, human rights, “fair” discrimination, strange moralities – and an Afrikaner diaspora. These circumstances instigated a re-evaluation of the Afrikaner from within, mainly because of the perceived demise of the status of the Afrikaans language, but also because of the loss of supremacy by the Afrikaner. This led to a debate regarding the character of the Afrikaner, flourishing from time to time. To address these issues a few publications came to light in the last year or so, one of them in March this year by Willem de Klerk, previously mentioned. The title of the publication is Afrikaners: kroes, kras, kordaat, literally translated as “Afrikaners: crisp, robust, bold”.
On 27 April of this year a reader (under the pseudonym Psychiatrist) wrote a letter to a daily Afrikaans newspaper, Beeld, in reaction to this book. This letter triggered a reaction (in response to the same book) from Chris Louw, chief-editor of the peak time Afrikaans programmes Monitor and Spektrum, broadcasted by the national broadcasting company (SABC) – see section 2.3.2. And this letter activated a very intense and ongoing debate regarding the category Afrikaner.
In my view this reaction – as an explotion of rational, and mostly emotional views regarding the past and present situation in which the Afrikaner finds himself – is a manifestation of a suppressed psychological state of certain subgroups of the Afrikaner. At the moment of writing (May 2000) it can be perceived as a kind of catharsis.
With regard to the category Afrikaner, the remainder of this paper will be based on perceptions revealed by these two letters and the reaction it set off.
2.3.1. New category-defining variables
The letter by Psychiatrist represents a rather general perception amongst Afrikaans-speaking people about the dispersed category Afrikaner. But within this category the author accentuates important subcategories of the main category Afrikaner, based on age difference – relating to the immediate history. He/she makes a distinction between a group of Afrikaners who are in their thirties or forties (let us call them group A), and an older group of Afrikaners (which we will call group B).
The former group represents the core of those people who had to fight a war to keep the ideology of apartheid intact, like Chris Louw, previously mentioned – author of the second letter referred to. They had na choice. Those who contested this war, had to go to prison – or leave the country.
The latter group represents those who created and perpetuated the ideological rules – the National Party Government and their ideological followers. Because this categorization is based on an age criterion, it oversimplifies a very complex previous situation. Ideological differences were not constrained by age. Some of those people who would belong to category B, were in the days of apartheid the strongest contestants of this ideology, while they are at present promoting the idea of Afrikanerdom based on the language criterion – people like Breyten Breytenbach (a well-known Afrikaans author, previously detained because of his ANC-links) and Hermann Giliomee (a prominent historian who challenged the ideology of apartheid during the National Party’s time in power). And some of those from category B, who left the country because they would not be involved in a war to uphold apartheid (and implicitly or explicitly supported the ANC) find themselves in the company of people who try to promote the position of Afrikaans (like those who were mentioned from group B).
The application of an age criterion implies that new category-variables for a schema are currently taking shape for the Afrikaner – eventually resulting in a new prototype. But the age criterion as such actually reveals underlying emotional experiences of the past and the present – experiences that are crucial as cohesive links for a collective group.
2.3.2. Emotional variables
Referring to the above-mentioned group A, Psychiatrist – in his letter – characterises them as mentally exhausted and shattered. And he links this condition to what he calls a “defeat syndrome” and an existential crisis, which, obviously, relates to identity – and the other coordinates of existence: space (South Africa) and time (post-apartheid era). He finds the reason for these conditions not in a lost war, but especially in a vanished respect for previous leaders and the generation they represented; but also in a disbelieve of the moral values of that generation. He even perceives this condition as an equivalent to the Viëtnam syndrome. This view actually expresses the intricate link between morality and emotionality.
In his letter in reaction to the book of Willem de Klerk – and inspired by the letter of Psychiatrist – Chris Louw in fact articulates the morality-emotionality tie against the background of his conceptualization of the emerging generation split between Afrikaners, a division of people on account of collective experiences of the past and the present. The main issues focused on in this letter can be summarized as follows:
· The author’s generation was raised to contain their emotions.
· His generation was raised to obey orders.
· He accentuates the generation gap between himself and that of Willem de Klerk.
· He addresses the creation of propagandistic concepts of the past on account of which his generation was sent to war.
· He deals with the sacrifice of the lifes of the children of the older generation for that generation’s ideals.
· He comments on Willem de Klerk’s creation of the concepts verlig and verkramp (see section 2.2) – and adds a third concept, referring to the generation of De Klerk: verknog (“intimately attached to”).
· He points out his generation’s role as instruments of the earlier propaganda machine.
· He conveys his view on the lack of an honest admission of guilt by De Klerk’s generation.
· He expresses his view on the previous government’s lack of strategy during the negotiations for a new South Africa.
· He articulates his generation’s experience of the consequences of this lack of strategy: they are still the instruments, but just of a new order.
· He describes his generation’s emotional crisis, referring to the letter of Psychiatrist.
· He expresses his discontent with the Afrikaner leaders of De Klerk’s generation, contrasting them with prominent Afrikaner leaders and Afrikaner people of the past.
· He mentions the misleading moral values of the past and immediately links it with his current emotional experience.
· He ends his letter with the perception that it is his generation who still has to carry the guilt of the past, and even now they are the powerless.
Although he explicitly expresses his emotional state of discontent and anger at some stage, this emotional experience – closely linked with a disapproval of previous moral values – functions as undertone of this letter. The nature of the overwhelming emotional public response in the press confirms this reading.
We can question the emotions involved when Chris Louw makes the statement (translated as): “My generation was brought up to contain our emotions, not to get involved in any form of affection – not love, and not hatred.” Within the context of this letter it actually exposes the interconnected experience of emotionality, morality and cognition regarding the collective ideological nature of a group – such as the Afrikaner. Although this letter expresses a certain existing emotional experience (also exhibited in the public response to this letter), the undertone (as well as the reference to his generation’s emotional cultivation) reveals the intricate link between emotionality and morality. This response follows an earlier (and still existing) post-apartheid response from the Afrikaner, particularly the Afrikaans churches as such – that of guilt: the primary moral emotion, as seen from a psychodynamic view (compare Westen, 1996:561).
The psychodynamic viewpoint also stresses the fact that moral development stems from identification or internalization (Westen, 1996:561). In section 1.2 it was mentioned that deep-rooted moral values (image-schematic in nature, therefore internalized) justified the ideology of apartheid. But these values linked with another moral emotion, namely empathy. Westen (1996: 561) points out that “(e)mpathy has both a cognitive component (understanding what the person is experiencing) and an emotional component (experiencing a similar feeling).” Goleman (1995:105) lays emphasis on the developmental stage when the most advanced level of empathy emerges, namely late childhood, “when children are able to understand distress beyond the immediate situation, and to see that someone’s condition or station in life may be a source of chronic distress”; at that stage “(t)hey feel for the plight of an entire group, such as the poor, the oppressed, the outcast.”
Though Chris Louw only nuances love and hatred when he refers to emotion, it becomes clear, against the previous background, that his reference to the inhibition of emotion, as an ideological educational tool during his generation’s edification, intimately links with the containment of empathy. Empathy with the oppressed during the time of National Party rule marked a person as an Afrikaner-outsider. Louw’s present anger also relates to the fact that his actions during those days, when in his capacity as a senior journalist at a newspaper with National Party ties, he had to decide what Afrikaners may have read … and what not – in this manner manipulating them cognitively, emotionally and morally. In this way he actually assisted the selective repression of empathy, the emotional and psychological identification with the oppressed. Thus, the practice of apartheid became internalized; it actually operated on a preconcetual image-schematic level, blocking out some shades of emotional experience.
One reporter, Max du Preez, refers to this letter and the public reaction to it as a circus (Beeld: 16 May 2000). Such a comment actaully negates the fact that language usage reflects the intricate relation between cognitive, emotional and moral experiences, that language reveals the conceptualization of experiences, and that ideological ideals without a moral and emotional foundation would come to nothing.
Without such a deep structure, efforts to categorize or recategorize people into a cohesive unity could be very difficult. And some activities exist at the moment for the regrouping of the Afrikaner. In view of the fact that the emotional and moral traumas of the past and the present are still very acute, and the application of presentday conceptual categorizing variables to restructure the South African society are a traumatic experience for many people, initiatives in this regard should be applied very cautiously. The emotional experience of these variables are linked to the conceptual experience of words such as affirmative action, racism, transformation, truth and reconciliation, and transition.
Apparently such a cautious view was taken when the Group of 63 was initiated.
2.3.3. Group 63
During the first weekend in May a group of 63 Afrikaans-speaking individuals (mostly from the intellectual world, and driven by philosophers) came together in a closed conference where they founded what they called the Group of 63. According to the newspapers they focused primarily on issues regarding the Afrikaans language and the rights of minorities. Leopold Scholtz, Beeld of 17 May 2000, considers one of the most striking features of this group its composition: people from the left to the right, from verlig (“enlightened”) to verkramp (“narrow-minded”) – in terms of the previous South Africa; these are distinguishing features which are at present totally irrelevant, accoring to this journalist (compare section 2.3.1.). In this regard Hermann Giliomee – one of the members of this group – stresses the fact that these individuals are not representative in nature, rather responsible regarding an inisiative to promote the Afrikaans language (Beeld, 9 May 2000). Only a few days after its foundation some of the individuals of Group 63 withdrew from the group. One of them, previously-mentioned Chris Louw, motivated his withdrawal on account of the fact that he felt that the group attempted to force him into a white minority enclosure, contrary to his expectations that the conference was aimed at language (Beeld, 11 May 2000). A few individuals from the group followed him in this regard. In his reaction to the withdrawal of some of its members, Johann Rossouw, chairman of the secriatariat, said that this phenomenon illustrates the fact that different people will go through a process for a while, while they are learning to know each other and each other’s agendas.
The establishment of the Group of 63 and the processes involved in the development of this group, is a good illustration of the above-mentioned schema-prototype features of a category. The identification of a prototype is a natural human conceptual tendency in order to identify a category, to talk about a category, to give meaning to a category, and to understand a category. The establishment of this specific group created a very vague schema, an abstract portrayal that is totally compatible with all the constituents of the category it describes (see Langacker [1987: 371]). In a short time since it came into exisistence, different attempts were made to find a prototype for this category – irespective of Herman Giliomee’s view that they are not representative in any way. Max du Preez, for instance, considers the intellectual deep structure of the group to be ethnic and chauvinistic (Beeld, 16 May 2000). In his motivation for the existence of such a group, the chairman of the working committee of the Group of 63 – Danie Goosen – describes their intended actions, thereby advancing the schema on which grounds a prototype could be established: enhancement of the recognition of language, educational and social-economic interests of minorities; establishment of cohesive ties between minorities; protection of the democratic ethos within the Afrikaans-speaking community.
At this point in time the group finds itself in a schema-stage. Ongoing processes and developments will eventually create the prototype, should the group continue to exist. At this stage the prototypicality of the group is based on rationality, with some indication of morality. The language concern could become an emotional issue
At this point in time South Africa is in transition. Spatial circumstances for individuals and most of the previously established white groups are changing significantly and rapidly – to an Afrocentric environment. A dramatic re-evaluation of the identity of the individual and his collective environment is taking place. This spatial experience – and mentally elaborated spatial experience – impacts on the identity of people. In this regard a perception of identity takes place in terms of then/there and now/here: South Africa (= the perception of a “previous” space) before 1994 (= perception of a “previous” time) and South Africa (= the perception of a “current” space) now (= perception of a “present” time).
Language usage in terms of the preceding portrayal implies the three deictic coordinates; thus, the coordinates of existence; and in this regard it depends on the interrelated mental phenomena: sensation-perception-cognition, with emotion as a fundamental undertone.
Against this background the dispersed nature of the presentday Afrikaner (as a group) was investigated. Reference was made to its previous (before 1994) identity: how the prototype of the Afrikaner developed during that time. On account of language usage (taken for the most part from newspapers) we analized efforts to recategorize the Afrikaner. We focused on the “peculiar” regrouping of former prototype- and Outsider-Afrikaners on account of shared aims regarding the langauge concern, and owing to the fact that presently the traditional prototype of the Afrikaner no longer exists. We drew attention to the present debate taking place amongst Afrikaners regarding its identity, and focused on the generation variable as a schema feature, and some of the emotional dimensions that came to light in this regard: a strong feeling of guilt and regret during and immediately after the hearings of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission; verbal outbursts of anger regarding the past. A conclusion suggested that the Afrikaner lost its previous prototype and finds itself at present in a schema stage regarding its group status.
Up to this point in time most analists of the debate drew attention to the emotional dimensions involved, but overlooked its importance in terms of morality and its potential utilization with regard to regrouping – or, those who are involved in the process of regrouping, are very cautious not to exploit it due to the fact that (in my view) the exploitation of emotion sustained the morality of apartheid in the previous South Africa. This exploitation actually implied the suppression of different shades of empathy, a moral emotion; and it was endorsed by the moral agent of that time, the Church.
And what now – regarding the Afrikaner? On account of perceptions revealed by language we can conclude:
The establishment of the Group of 63 may be perceived as a formal attempt to recategorise, to launch the creation of a new prototype. They are formulating their aims rather precise in relation to services to the community, the rights of minorities, and language rights. But they are very careful with regard to their representative nature. In an effort to make mental contact with potential “followers”, they have to take notice of the fact that their speech acts in this regard will have to consist of rational, but also emotional input (see Botha, to be published). Currently the language concern is probably the most important emotional variable – especially if its current diminishing status in the South African reality is taken into account. Negating the Constitution in this way to suppress Afrikaans, becomes a moral issue – and a moral issue can become a very vigorous emotional issue. But the utilization of the language’s emotional capabilities relies on a few other emotional phenomena: on account of its current status the Afrikaner, especially the younger generation, experiences an emotion of apathy with regard to the Afrikaans language; the emotional trauma of transition puts some Afrikaners on the alert – not to become emotionally involved again on a collective basis; mistrust on account of the doings of previous Afrikaner leaders also creates cautiousnes; and an Afrikaner diaspora and globalization hinders a consolidating structure on a mental basis.
Consequently, it becomes impossible to delineate a colletive emotional mindset for the schema Afrikaner. All the different emotional experiences of the past and the present – as represented by letters of readers to newspapers and observations by analists – reveal different shades of different emotions (see Goleman, 1996), or, from a cognitive linguistic viewpoint, different emotional blends. At the moment peoples’ different shaded emotional reactions are creating these emotional blends. Some are trying to rationalize these reactions; others react with new emotional blends; and another group prefers to repudiate its existential significance. However, it remains an important precondition for mental contact on a colletive basis.
Together with other variables, the emotional issue could impede the development of an Afrikaner prototype in the future – at least in the sense that it was known previously.
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 A prominent theologist in South Africa, Christina Landman, used the term moral agent of morality in a television discussion programme on Kyknet (DSTV) on 4 May 2000. She also made the statement that the Church presently only acts as one of the moral agents in a new South Africa due to the fact that they lost a lot of their credibility in this regard.